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Post · April 30, 2026

The 75-day DHS shutdown, end to end

What started in late January as a fight over ICE and CBP funding became the longest partial shutdown in US history. The political pressure that produced it — and the deal that ended it — both deserve scrutiny.

By AfP Editors


For 75 days, the Department of Homeland Security operated under a partial appropriations lapse. TSA officers worked without pay. FEMA grant processing stalled. Immigration courts faced operational disruption on top of an already historic backlog. The shutdown surpassed the prior 2025 record on March 29 to become the longest in US history. It ended on April 30, when President Trump signed a DHS funding bill that funds most of the department but pointedly omits Immigration and Customs Enforcement and significant parts of Customs and Border Protection.

The shape of the resolution matters as much as the duration of the impasse. ICE and the contested CBP components are routed through a separate reconciliation track — “Reconciliation 2.0” — that the Senate and House budget resolutions established in late April. The shutdown didn’t fund ICE; it deferred the fight.

What produced the impasse

The proximate trigger was the late-January killing of Alex Pretti by Customs and Border Protection officers in Minneapolis. Pretti was a 37-year-old US citizen and ICU nurse at the Minneapolis VA, killed during a protest against federal enforcement operations on January 24. The killing — the second fatal CBP shooting of a US citizen in Minneapolis in two and a half weeks, after the killing of Renée Good on January 7 — caused Senate Democrats to withdraw from the DHS funding compromise that would have averted a shutdown.

The continuing resolution that funded most federal departments through February 13 had set a tight clock. When it expired, Senate Democrats stripped the DHS title from the broader funding package and demanded structural limits on ICE detention and CBP enforcement funding. Republicans demanded clean DHS appropriations. The negotiation stalled.

For seventy-five days.

Why so long

Two reasons.

First, the political cost of the shutdown was unevenly distributed. TSA pay was disrupted, but the political pressure that usually ends shutdowns — air travel disruptions concentrated among middle-class travelers, federal workers in swing states organizing publicly — was muted. FEMA and Coast Guard operations continued under various authorities. Immigration enforcement actually intensified during the shutdown because ICE operations are funded through a mix of appropriated and fee-supported authorities that don’t all lapse the same way.

Second, the Senate-House dynamic produced a structural obstacle. On March 26, Senate Democrats and Republicans reached a bipartisan deal to fund DHS while routing ICE and CBP funding through reconciliation. The Senate passed it by voice vote on March 27. Speaker Johnson refused to bring it to the House floor, arguing the deal conceded too much. The House passed a 60-day continuing resolution instead. The Senate refused to take it up. The standoff continued for another full month.

What the resolution does

The April 30 bill accomplishes three things:

  1. Funds most DHS components through September 30. TSA, FEMA, the Coast Guard, the Secret Service, and most CBP infrastructure work resume normal operations.

  2. Routes ICE and contested CBP components through reconciliation. The Senate-passed and House-passed FY26 budget resolutions instruct relevant committees to draft legislation by May 15 providing up to $70 billion in additional immigration-enforcement funding outside the regular appropriations process. The reconciliation vehicle requires only a simple Senate majority and bypasses the filibuster.

  3. Preserves the negotiating leverage. Democrats can continue to attempt to constrain ICE and CBP through reconciliation amendments. Republicans can deliver the funding their base demands without facing the Senate’s 60-vote threshold.

What the bill does not do is produce structural reform. The Pretti killing and the Good killing — and the broader pattern of federal use of force against US citizens during enforcement operations — produced no statutory changes. The DOJ Civil Rights Division has not announced pattern-and-practice investigations of CBP. Internal CBP review of the Minneapolis shootings is ongoing under the agency’s own processes.

What the political fight produced

Three developments worth tracking:

Maryland ended its 287(g) cooperation. Governor Wes Moore signed two emergency bills on February 17 terminating Maryland’s local-law-enforcement 287(g) agreements with ICE and barring future ones. Existing agreements wind down by July 2026. The action contrasts with Florida, where 287(g) operations now drive nearly 30% of immigration arrests.

The May Day Strong general strike. On May 1, roughly 500 organizations staged more than 750 actions under a “No Work, No School, No Shopping” theme. The National Education Association, AFT, AAUP, Starbucks Workers United, and the United Electrical Workers participated. Sunrise Movement reported over 100,000 students walking out. The protest framing centered on shifting the tax burden from working class to wealthy, eliminating ICE, ending US involvement in foreign wars, and limiting corporate election spending.

Federal courts have been the consistent constraint. Judge Brian Murphy’s third-country deportation injunction in February. Judge Jeffrey Vincent Brown’s Family Reunification Parole order in January. The Eighth Circuit’s mandatory-detention ruling in March (which expanded detention authority). The Ninth Circuit’s emergency stay (which constrained it). Federal courts have produced a series of incremental constraints on the most aggressive enforcement practices, without producing a coherent doctrine on the limits of executive enforcement authority.

What’s next

The reconciliation bill is the operative venue. The committees with jurisdiction — Senate Homeland Security, Senate Judiciary, House Homeland Security, House Judiciary — have been instructed to deliver legislative text by May 15. The political fight that produced the 75-day shutdown will play out again, this time at simple-majority thresholds in the Senate.

The structural question — what kind of immigration enforcement infrastructure the United States is going to have, and under what oversight — is not resolved. The 75-day shutdown deferred the fight. It did not settle it.

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